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All of the Blacks at the company were employed in menial positions and there were no opportunities available to him to move into any semi-skilled positions. After learning about the CIO, he attempted to organize the workers at the company. He was successful in organizing a majority of the Black workers, but was terminated when he attempted to organize the White and Chicano workers.

As a union organizer, he worked diligently within as many industries as possible. His most difficult task was organizing the railway workers because he was competing with the AFL. Tape begins abruptly with a continued discussion of his association with Clayton Russell. Williams describes Russell as a tenacious individual who was very active in the Black community with the Negro Victory Committee.

Williams joined the committee as a labor representative on behalf of the CIO. He believes that it was necessary to work within the community in order to successfully organize workers. The CIO representatives were not pleased with his involvement in community organizations, particularly after the Negro Victory Committee organized the protest at the USES against discriminatory hiring practices in defense industries.

Regarding his attitude towards A. Philip Randolph, Williams does not believe that the March on Washington Movement had a substantial impact on the labor movement in the Los Angeles area. The majority of people in the Black community recognized the ideological inconsistency inherent in WWII, indicating that it was nonsensical to fight for democracy when discrimination existed within American society.

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In spite of the fact that minorities fought difficult struggles to eliminate discrimination, many viewed the United States as a land of opportunity with unlimited prospects. In contrast, he has a more bitter attitude towards the country because of the racial barriers that disadvantage many people. He digresses regarding Charlotta Bass and the California Eagle, a militant newspaper for the Black community.

In , he left the CIO and began training as a welder. He joined the Boilermakers Union so that he could work at Cal Ship. The union had two separate locals: 92 for White workers and local A35, which was a Black auxiliary. After a short time, he became the chairman of the Shipyard Workers Committee and initiated a campaign for full and equal membership in Local The Shipyard Workers Committee organized, picketed Local A35, and refused to pay union dues until they received recognition and equal membership in the Boilermakers Union.

Russell and many people involved with the Negro Victory Committee also participated in the fight against segregation. Williams recalls that they filed a petition with the FEPC, which ruled that the Boilermakers Union and the shipyards were discriminating against Black workers in hiring practices and membership policies. However, he explains that the Boilermakers Union refused to agree to the stipulations of the agreement and the case was taken to court.

Their case was won based on a decision from a higher court dealing with the issue in San Francisco James v Marin Ship. Recording ends - tape continues with no sound. File: lhduwwilliams3. Tape begins abruptly with continued discussion on the court case involving the Jim Crow local and the Boilermakers Union. He recalls that the case against segregation was called Andrew Blakeny et al v Boilermakers Union.

Although the Shipyard Workers Committee was not the plaintiff, it led the struggle and completed all of the organizational work. The court ruling required that the Boilermakers Union accept Blacks into union membership on an equal basis. Williams believes that this provided job security for many Blacks employed in the industry.

The Black auxiliary of the Boilermakers Union was completely separate from Local 92 and was managed and operated by Black officers. However, the auxiliary did not have any decision making powers. He refutes the claim that Blacks wanted full representation for social reasons, i.

He discusses his relationship with Herbert Ward, who was involved in race discrimination issues in the IAM. The audio quality in this segment is poor, with the sound fading in and out. Williams discusses the number of Blacks employed in the shipyards during the s. Although he believes that there were Whites in the Boilermakers Union who supported desegregation, the auxiliary did not pursue any coalitions with other AFL locals. The main focal point of action was exploiting the issue on a national and local level and utilizing the legal system to enact change.

In the latter part of , he left Cal Ship and entered the longshore industry. He learned that Black longshoremen were viewed as temporary replacements and would not be guaranteed a position following WWII. He describes the structure of the industry and the discriminatory employment practices of the ILWU. He organized a group of workers and they agitated for permanent registration and full membership in the ILWU.

The unemployed workers hired a lawyer and an agreement was reached for the ILWU to accept them into the union and provide them with jobs. The victory follows two previous organizing successes among drivers and warehouse workers at another PFG company, Roma Food, who joined Local earlier this year and in November in separate elections. Like workers at Roma, drivers and warehouse workers at Vistar are mostly Latino.

A majority of the largely immigrant workforce makes little more than minimum wage while handling goods for the division of PFG, one of the largest private companies in the U. We look forward to negotiating a strong contract that elevates Vistar workers and their families. Vistar drivers and warehouse employees approached the Teamsters earlier this year seeking better wages, benefits and a voice on the job.

Wages for the workers are barely above minimum wage, including longtime employees who have been at Vistar for more than 15 years. The workers also see a disparity in pay between men and women at Vistar, with women earning noticeably less than men doing similar work.

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